Chapter 5

THE AESTHETICS OF EVERYDAY LIFE

Everyday life has an "aesthetic rhythm" –the incessant movement by ordinary individuals back and forth between aesthetic restraint and aesthetic exuberance. Individuals leave the relative tranquillity of their homes and venture out into a bustling urban environment with its noise, crowding, and bright advertisements to shop, commute to work, or engage in leisure-time activities. At the end of the day, they return home to rest and recuperate. This daily routine is punctuated throughout the year by festivals and rites of passage (such as weddings, funerals, and graduation ceremonies) in which ordinary routine is temporarily suspended in favor of special events, each with its own aesthetic flavor.

Our goal is to try to understand the extent to which this aesthetic rhythm: (1) is governed by cultural rules, and (2) meets basic human needs. In this chapter, these issues are addressed in reference to research we conducted over a period of more than 35 years. The data we collected includes quantitative data from questionnaires and a variety of task-oriented testing procedures, qualitative data collected in structured interviews, participant observation data obtained while living and traveling in Japan, and secondary sources, such as historical data. These data sources were supplemented with numerous photographs of objects and activities associated with everyday life in Japan.

In the previous chapters, we used a historical approach to describe the origins and development of the restrained and exuberant traditions in relation to the architecture, arts, and crafts of past periods. In this chapter, we use an anthropological approach to focus upon the "material culture" of contemporary Japan. Of particular interest are aesthetic choices concerning the decor of the surroundings in which activities occur, objects used by individuals in everyday life, and clothing. Before discussing these three variables, the issue of context needs to be considered in some detail since aesthetic choices always occurs in a particular context.

Context

Context can be defined in reference to two sets of contrasting terms: (1) uchi vs soto, and (2) ke vs hare. As indicated earlier, a central dichotomy in Japanese culture is that between uchi and soto. Literally uchi means "inside" or anything pertaining to one’s family and the domestic scene. By extension, "insiders" are those with whom one has a family-like relationship, as in the case of fellow employees at work, whereas "outsiders" are considered to be strangers. The way one interacts with insiders and outsiders is quite different in Japan. With insiders, one can be relaxed and informal, whereas with outsiders, emotional restraint and formalism are more pronounced.

Another basic distinction in Japan is the contrast between ke (mundane) and hare (special or extraordinary). This is a distinction that affects aspects of life as diverse as time and space, food, and clothing. To take the example of time and space, Japanese ethnologists divide time into mundane time and time spent in honoring or communicating with the gods. The torii (sacred gate), as well as the fences surrounding the buildings, mark Ise Jingū off as sacred space. In Buddhist temples, a sense of the extraordinary is frequently accomplished by decorating statues and sutras with gold –the color of the Pure Land, a realm that lies beyond both time and space. When one enters Nirvana, either in this life or after death, one leaves ordinary time (toki) and enters eternity (eien) (Kamishima 1989). Gold covered screen paintings were used in feudal times for guest and ceremonial rooms. Their function was to impress visitors with the extraordinary nature of the occasion (Ōta 1991). Kobayashi (1993) found that traditional homes in Kanazawa have always used red walls in special rooms such as oku-no-ma (inner rooms for entertaining guests) and butsu-ma (rooms with a Buddhist altar). Such rooms are hare-no-ma (special rooms) in contrast to ke-no-ma (rooms used for everyday purposes.

These two sets of contrasting terms (uchi vs. soto and ke vs. hare) can be combined to create eight contextual categories, defined below.

1. Domestic Mundane Activities (activities such as cleaning, cooking, house maintenance, study, eating, and sleeping)

2. Domestic Leisure Time Activities (hobbies and entertainment such as home movies, video games, reading manga and "surfing the net" for pleasure)

3. Domestic Festive Occasions (special occasions celebrated at home such as Children’s Day and New Year’s celebrations)

4. Domestic Solemn Occasions (religious ceremonies such as memorial services)

5. External Mundane Activities (everyday activities such as shopping, commuting, working, and attending school)

6. External Leisure Time Activities (entertainment such as kabuki, musical events, spectator sports, participatory sports, playing pachinko, and visiting bars)

7. External Festive Occasions (special events such as temple and shrine festivals; seasonal festivals such as cherry blossom viewing in the spring, and autumn leaf viewing in the fall; and rites of passage such as graduation ceremonies)

8. External Solemn Occasions (special events such as traditional weddings and funerals)

Context and "decor of the surroundings" appear to be similar concepts. The main difference is that the contextual categories described above are defined in relation to activities, whereas decor refers to the atmosphere created by the surroundings in which activities occur. For example, one’s home is where mundane domestic activities are carried out and where one can find refuge from the crowds and noise of the soto world (Category 1). The general decor for this uchi-ke environment is usually quiet and tranquil. This is often achieved through the use of restrained colors and simplicity of forms. Within the home, however, there can be specific micro-environments with different types of decor. For example, areas used for hobbies and home entertainment (Category 2) are usually more colorful and less tranquil than general living areas.Special events can be held at home. Some of these events are festive (Category 3), exemplified by the bright colors and bold designs associated with decorations for a doll festival (Hinamatsuri) or the koinobori (carp banners) being prepared for a children’s day festival; some other events, however, are solemn, exemplified by religious observances (Category 4) in which the decor is formal.

Category 5 (soto-ke) refers to activities such as shopping, commuting to work, and attending school. Although these activities are mundane, they involve passing through a variety of soto environments. Much of the soto world is dedicated to commercialism. Because the goal of advertising, for example, is to attract attention, the use of bright, flashy displays, some of which are rather garish, is not considered inappropriate. Signs providing directions in public are also designed to attract attention. On the basis of hundreds of photographs of objects, events, and situations in the public domain, we found that public signs and advertisements make almost exclusive use of strongly contrasting primary colors. Trains and subways are also full of colorful advertising displays designed to attract attention.

               The primary colors of road signs and the signs in entertainment districts exhibit "attention-grabbing boldness."

Not everything in the soto environment through which people pass while attending to everyday, mundane activities is gaudy and exuberant. There is a noticable attempt to beautify ordinary surroundings by providing flowers in places as ordinary as a taxi, a public bathroom, or the entrance to a train station. The concern for beautifying ordinary surroundings is even encountered in the metal covers for manholes and open gutters.

              Colorful gutter cover and a tiny flower arrangement in a public bathroom.

If one’s destination is work or school, the surroundings are usually quite restrained, more akin to a domestic, uchi environment. Other examples of restrained soto environments are the public parks and gardens associated with palaces, shrines, and temples. These "islands of tranquility" provide refuge outside the home from the gaudiness and noise found in much of the urban soto domestic uchi environment.

               Islands of tranquility in the middle of busy cities: Suizenji in Kumamoto and Ritsurin Koen in Takamatsu.

Public leisure-time activities occur in exuberant environments (Category 6). Anyone who has played pachinko in Japan can confirm this. The music is loud, the air is filled with cigarette smoke, and the sound of dropping metal balls is deafening. It is very easy to be distracted from one’s normal working world in such surroundings.Special events such as festivals (Category 7) are also associated with bright colors. In fact "festive colors" are, by definition, colorful. Examples are provided by the food booths at a temple festival; the annual folk dance (Awa-odori) held in Tokushima, Shikoku; or the Neputa festival held in Hirosaki, Aomori Prefecture.

               Left: The goal of flashy displays is to attract one’s attention. They are not required to be tasteful.

               Right: Detail from a festival float.

Banners with large red and white stripes are frequently used to mark festive events. Festive events are in sharp contrast to solemn occasions such as funerals, which are often indicated by banners with large black and white stripes. Black and white are strongly contrasting 'colors' that indicate a special event, but they are also solemn and formal.

               Festive and solemn events are frequently marked by appropriately colored banners.

Surroundings are influenced not only by the contextual categories described above, but also by factors such as age, and gender. For example, the ordered and tranquil decor of a Japanese house is not necessarily in evidence if one visits the rooms of teenage children. The decor of boys’ rooms may be somewhat less colorful than the rooms of girls, but not necessarily more ordered!

Objects Used

Within the specific contexts defined above, each with its own decor, there are many kinds of objects, used for a variety of purposes. Rules governing the use of personal objects at home (Category 1) are fairly lenient since one is out of the public eye. Impersonal objects such as refrigerators tend to be white, and moderately impersonal objects such as telephones tend to be gray. Objects associated with work and school (Category 5), such as computers, also tend to be some shade of gray. The use of objects at home, school and work are, of course, influenced by age and gender. For example, children of both sexes play with colorful toys or playground equipment at home and school, and teenagers, especially females, tend to prefer personal objects that are more colorful than those used by adults.

     Objects used at home by adults are usually restrained in color, whereas children's toys and playground equipment, even when used at home, are much more colorful.

In shopping areas, signs and advertising displays must be colorful and bold in order to attract attention, as mentioned above. Even when in exuberant surroundings, however, the personal objects used by individuals going about their daily business, such as shopping and commuting, should not attract attention since attracting attention to one’s self generally is considered untasteful. The results of one of our ranking tests illustrate this basic principle. We presented our respondents with several different cameras and asked them to rank the cameras from "liked most" to "liked least." We then asked each individual for the reaons behind the ranking. The best-liked camera was the one with the simplest form and a two-tone silver color. The least-liked camera had a somewhat unusual shape and a blue color.

The pastel colors of these trash cans represent a compromise between the need to attract attention and the requirement that objects used in public should be tasteful.  Though the banking machines on the right are a nondescript gray, their location is marked by a band of primary colors on the wall behind them --another example of a compromise.

               Machines used by young girls for taking their pictures are more colorful than those used by adults.

If the necessity for making compromises between the need to attract attention and the need to be used without embarassment is not recognized, the results can be unfortunate. For example, we did some research for one of the world’s largest corporations, which involved showing respondents photographs of several kiosks —machines used for tasks such as reproducing and enlarging photographs. All of the machines, except one, were prototypes that had never been manufactured. The one exception was the kiosk actually produced for the Japanese market. As soon as we saw the real machine, we knew it would not fare well in the ranking because it was too complex and too colorful. As expected, a photograph of this machine was consistently ranked last. This mistake occurred despite the fact that the corporation had hired Japanese marketing firms to conduct research on product designs. It was an easy mistake to make because, superficially, one might expect that a kiosk in a shopping mall, surrounded by colorful advertising displays, would have to be unique and colorful in order to stand out and to attract attention. This was, in fact, our own reasoning before conducting research on the topic. But this reasoning misses the cultural principle involved —that objects must be tasteful enough not to draw attention to the user. This principle also has an important bearing on the clothing that people wear.

Clothing

At one time, the kimono was the basic mode of dress for women. There are many rules governing kimono elements, such as length of sleeves and the colors and decorative designs employed. The basic distinction is between fudangi, clothing worn in mundane circumstances and haregi, clothing worn for special occasions. These basic categories are further elaborated to create five basic types of clothing: home wear, street wear, casual formal wear, formal wear, and ceremonial wear (Dalby 1993), each with its own rules. The distinction between fudangi and haregi was especially pronounced in the Edo period. For example, when attending a hare occasion such as kabuki, it was customary to wear one’s best clothing. If a woman decided that her clothes were better than most of the other women attending the performance, or if she heard people comment that she looked very nice, she would say, "I did hare today" (Nishiyama 1986). Nishiyama points out that one of the merits of having a distinction between hare and ke is that on the occasion of hare one is not subject to discrimination because of rank. Everyone is treated as equals when they wear the same costume for a festival. The same logic was applied to school uniforms in later priods. Minimizing status differences was especially important to common people in the Edo Period when behavior was normally circumscribed by numerous constraints associated with rank.

Katsura (1968) points out that even clothing, such as yukata, used for relaxation at home, is subject to rules. In contrast to the usually dark, solid- color kimono normally worn by men, men’s summer yukata often have large bold designs. The larger and bolder the design, however, the fewer the occasions and hours when it can be worn. This emphasis upon the rule-governed nature of clothing is echoed by Miyamoto (1979) who argues that although the main distinction is between practical clothing and clothing worn for special occasions, both categories are influenced by social factors such as one’s occupation, social ranking, age and sex. The color of Western-style clothing for business people and salaried men and women tend to be monotone shades, such as gray or navy blue. Otherwise, women usually have a greater choice of clothing colors than men.

 

               An example of karisuma among young people, who sometimes attempt to express an anti-establishment stance.

There are special circumstances in which it is appropriate to wear exuberant clothing, as in the case of entertainers who wish to draw attention to themselves (Category 6). An example is the all-female Takarazuka Review. Another circumstance in which colorful clothing is used to focus attention upon the "actor" is a rite of passage (Category 7), such as the presentation of children at a Shinto shrine or graduation from college. Other important rites of passage are weddings and funerals, in which case, clothing is solemn, often black and white (Category 8). Although the funeral hearse is quite ornate and colorful —marking the special nature of the occasion, the clothing of the "central actor," as well as the clothing of those in attendance, is formal, plain and subdued. Recently, across from us on a train were two middle-aged couples —one couple on the way to a wedding, and the other couple on the way to a funeral. The man on the way to a wedding wore a black suit and a white tie, and his wife wore a black kimono with a band of colored designs across the bottom. The man on the way to a funeral wore a black suit and black tie, and his wife wore a completely black kimono.

     Above: young children being presented to a shrine deity and college students preparing for a graduation ceremony.

Some events such as weddings usually encompass both solemn and festive components. For example, the wedding ceremony itself is solemn (Category 8), and the appropriate clothing colors are black and white, as mentioned above. After the ceremony, however, the bride dons a colorful kimono for the reception (Category 7).There are some events inwhich everyone is considered to be an actor and allowed a certain amount of freedom in matters of color and design. For example, clothing worn on the golf course, ski slope or to the beach (Category 6) is generally more colorful and flashy than one would wear at home, when shopping, or when taking a lunch break from work. Although there is a good deal of variation in the color and design of clothing, depending upon context, there are also some long-range trends associated with gender and age. The rules were clearer when kimono and yukata were worn on a regular basis, but at least to some extent they apply to Western-style clothing as well. For example, it is considered appropriate for children of either gender to wear colorful clothing. With time this changes. As individuals grow older, clothing becomes more subdued. The movement from exuberance to restraint is most pronounced for females, for whom there are several transitional stages. Young girls wear hade (gaudy) colors; as young to mature adults, they generally prefer clothing that is senren or stylish; and as they move into middle age, they begin to wear clothing that is more restrained and dark --shibui or jimi, depending upon the occasion and amount of money expended. The main difference between jimi (meaning "plain") and shibui is that jimi fabric is monotonous because it is machine made whereas shibui fabric is usually handmade and thus more varied. In general, colors and designs associated with male clothing are more conservative than for females.

 

 

               Top left: Hade cloth (gaudy) is appropriate for young girls.

               Top right: Senren cloth (stylish) is appropriate for young women.

               Bottom left: Jimi cloth (sober plainness) is appropriate for domestic kimonos, work wear, solemn occasions or older women.

               Bottom right: Shibui cloth is restrained in color, like jimi. It is, however, less monotonous and more expensive.

The introduction of age and gender creates a dynamic situation in which various crosscutting rules must be taken into account. For example, a festive kimono worn by an older woman, although brighter than a kimono or yukata worn at home or for shopping, should be less colorful than a festive kimono or yukata worn by her daughter for the same occasion. This is a good example of why rules associated with context, age and gender cannot be applied mechanically to material culture. When deciding upon an appropriate color or design, many considerations must be taken into account.

               Formal kimonos worn by children tend to be colorful and/or bold. This is more pronounced for girls than for boys.

    The kimonos of these young mothers attending festive events are more colorful than domestic kimonos. In contrast to the kimonos of their children, however, they are relatively subdued.

               Left: This young woman's New Year's kimono is quite colorful, whereas that of her husand is dark.

               Right: The crosscutting influences of age and gender are demonstrated in the kimonos of this family.

Aesthetic Categories

Many of the cultural rules discussed above are associated with the following six aesthetic categories, which can be arranged on a continuum from Restraint to Exuberance. Some of these terms, such as jimi, shibui, and hade, are widely used and have been discussed in previous chapters. The concept of muted enticement has no equivalent Japanese term. A few examples of associated rules are provided for each category.

Jimi (sober plainness)

• tranquil, tasteful, and practical but rather dull

• characterized by dark colors and lack of bold contrasts

• sometimes results from aiming at shibusa but failing because of lack of taste, education, or money

• often results from a desire not to stand out or attract attention

• appropriate for uchi-ke: (Category 1); soto-ke (Category 5): clothing worn by men and older women at home, for shopping or commuting, or at work or school; and for solemn soto-hare events such as a funeral (Category 8).

Shibui (restrained spontaneity of effect)

• restrained and tasteful

• conveys a feeling of spontaneity

• appropriate for uchi-ke (Category 1) architecture and interior decorating schemes. It is also appropriate for men and older women who wish to maintain the inconspicuous nature of jimi clothing, but with less monotony, in a soto-ke (Category 5) environment. The main difference is that shibui clothing is more expensive without being "showy." 

Senren (refined elegance)

• informed by shibui principles but less severe, more decorative and modern in taste

• appropriate anywhere elegance is desired, such as upscale restaurants and shops (Category 5), especially in the case of mature women who wish to be stylish and are less concerned about being inconspicuous.

Muted enticement (there is no appropriate Japanese word for this category)

• colorful and bold, but muted –a compromise between the need to attract attention and to be tasteful, as in the case of public utilitarian objects (Category 5) such as vending machines and waste disposal bins. A muted effect is achieved, for example, through the use of pastel colors or the use of primary colors against a larger neutral background.

• not age-specific but may be modified in the direction of the age group targeted; for example, kiosks and vending machines aimed at teenagers are brighter than those aimed at adults.

 

Azayaka (attention-grabbing boldness)

• colorful and bold

• appropriate in soto-ke surroundings in which there is a need to attract attention, with an emphasis upon clarity of message –as in the case of advertisements and public signs which are seen but not used by the public (Category 5).

Hade (garish exuberance)

• garish and bold

• appropriate for soto-hare activities and events such as leisure time activities and festive events (Categories 6 and 7). It is especially appropriate for children’s toys and playground equipment, as well as for the clothing of young girls.

To summarize, individuals routinely move back and forth on the restraint-exuberance continuum as they leave their homes and enter the outside world for shopping, commuting, to go to work, or to attend school. The outside world is also where individuals go for recreation and to attend special events such as weddings and funerals. This back and forth movement between uchi and soto, and between ke and hare, is influenced by cultural rules pertaining to context, age and gender. There are also some long-range trends such as the increasing use of darker colors as individuals grow older. This is especially pronounced in the case of females.

As mentioned in the introduction to the chapter, we are also interested in understanding the function of this aesthetic movement –how it meets basic human needs. Addressing this issue brings us back to one of the major themes of this book —the relationship between aesthetic restraint, aesthetic exuberance, and spontaneity. To address this theme, we return to one of the contextual categories discussed above, Category 6 (Leisure Time Activities), for a closer examination of fantasy.

Fantasy

Fantasy can be regarded as a special type of leisure time activity. The surroundings associated with public leisure-time activities, such as pachinko, are colorful, noisy, and stimulating. In a similar fashion, creators of products designed to appeal to private fantasy —products consumed in private by individuals or families (uchi-hare) — make use of bright colors and bold contrasts to create a sense of excitement that transports one out of mundane reality to a world of the extraordinary. Good examples are manga and anime (animated comics). Scenes normally involve fast action, frequently featuring sex or violence. The drawings are stylized and the characters are simply drawn so the scenes can be apprehended quickly. Another example of private fantasy is the use of private recreational vehicles that employ special design features, bright colors, and painted designs to create a sense of the extraordinary.

               Manga (comic books) and recreational vehicles represent a type of escape into fantasy.

The use of vehicles to appeal to one’s sense of fantasy is sometimes found in public transportation as well. For example, in an attempt to promote Kyushu as a destination where tourists can visit exotic places such as a Holland theme park without leaving Japan, the Kyushu Rail Company has, in recent years, begun using brightly colored railway cars. This practice seems to be spreading, as in the case of city buses and trains that are attempting to promote tourism by using colorful exteriors.

               A colorful rail car and a bright city bus help create a festive atmosphere in an attempt to attract tourists.

Other examples of fantasy in the public domain are love hotels and erotic entertainment. Love hotels offer rooms by the hour to couples seeking privacy. The decor of love hotels is characterized by the use of bright colors, mirrors, and other fantasy-inducing stimuli. A love hotel near where we used to live is done in bright shades of pinkish orange and green, and is decorated with large colored parrots and porpoises, suggesting a tropical theme. It has a little wedding chapel on top —the source of the hotel’s name, Chapel Coconut.

             

The bright colors of "love hotels," with their fantasy themes, can be spotted from a considerable distance.

Why is such a building, or the brightly colored clothes on a ski slope, acceptable but the colorful kiosk for reproducing and enlarging photographs, discussed above, is not? When one goes to a love hotel or skiing, everyone is doing the same thing. Thus one can engage in recreation or fantasy without standing out. In contrast, when one is using a machine in a public mall, individuals are doing different things, some of which are mundane, such as shopping, eating at restaurants, or banking. In this kind of mixed context, no matter how colorful and bold some of the surroundings might be, most individuals wish to play it safe by dressing and behaving in a conservative manner. Fantasy, like other forms of compensatory spontaneity, provides welcome contrast to the obligations of everyday life. Fantasy is fun, as long as it does not require one to stand out. In other words, even fantasy in Japan is not as spontaneous as one might assume. 

Counter Trends

The aesthetic choices of everyday life described above are strongly influenced by traditional cultural rules that dictate what is appropriate in a given context, considering factors such as gender and age. There are other kinds of aesthetic choices that seem to be less influenced by traditional cultural rules. In some cases, these choices produce results that are not considered pleasing by the Japanese. In other cases, the results are regarded as harmless kitsch.

Desecration of Nature

In 1996 Alex Kerr made something of a stir with his book, Lost Japan, in which he bemoaned the fact that what used to be "one of the most beautiful countries in the world" has experienced extreme environmental degradation. Examples of degradation include extensive logging, removal of entire mountains to obtain construction materials, the abundance of high-tension wires, traffic jams, loss of agricultural land to urban sprawl, and the prevalence of unimaginative, gray concrete buildings in the cities. Many Japanese agree that much of the natural beauty of Japan has been lost and complain about the apparent lack of zoning regulations and long-term conservation plans.

What is the explanation for the seemingly paradoxical disregard of nature by a society in which the basic approach to life is aesthetic? Part of the explanation lies in the need to compete in an increasingly global society dominated by free enterprise and the necessity of making a profit. As in the case of most modern societies, aesthetic considerations are forced to take a back seat to economic development and the maintenance of a comfortable standard of living. This is not the only explanation, however. The Japanese have long had a love of nature, with a special fondness for the never-ending change of seasons. This love of nature is expressed in the indigenous religion, in haiku, and in the graphic and plastic arts. It has often been said that Japanese art is based upon nature. The Japanese love of gardens, bonsai, and flower arrangements should not, however, be confused with a love of nature in its unaltered form. Gardens, bonsai, and flower arrangements are works of art that are based upon nature in that they use natural materials (such as stones and plants) and principles (such as rough textures and asymmetry) for aesthetic purposes. But the products are not natural.

Even when temples and shrines are placed in natural settings, such as at Ise Jingū or Sanzenin, vegetation is not usually allowed to reproduce freely but is controlled to produce a natural but tranquil feeling — what we have termed "spontaneity of effect." For many people, nature is not a place where one would want to spend much time alone. Rather, it is a place to adventure into briefly with a group of friends. It is revered by the older generation as the domain of kami (spirits of nature), but kami are not always benevolent. In brief, nature is soto rather than uchi. It is the "other" —a domain that contrasts strongly with the "cultural." Nature is admired because it symbolizes spontaneity, but it also is the source of unease for some because it represents the "untamed" and "unpredictable." Nature becomes less threatening when it is domesticated.

Neglect of Public Property

A related phenomenon is the contrast between private and public property. The grounds of private homes, corporations, temples, and shrines are usually immaculate, whereas public beaches and hiking trails are frequently cluttered with garbage. Private property is uchi, whereas public property is soto —outside the realm of normal human obligation and responsibility. People may not like to see garbage on the beach, or in the forest, but many people do not see it as their responsibility.

This is true, of course, in most countries. The main reason it is so obvious in Japan is because of the marked contrast between great sophistication in aesthetic matters and the relative neglect of public areas and the environment. Fortunately, this seems to be changing. Nature shows on television are popular, and there is an increase in the number of individuals who are interested in activities such as composting and organic gardening. The groundwork is being laid for what eventually may become a strong grassroots conservation movement.

Kitsch

Kitsch refers to forms of popular culture that are often pretentious or in bad taste. Many kitsch objects or events tend to be regarded as "cute," "strange," or "humorous" by most Japanese. Sometimes a kitsch object or event starts a fad that becomes widely accepted, at which point it can become part of the broader culture.

Examples of kitsch are provided by this roadside statue of Jizo (a Buddhist saint responsible for guarding children and travelers), a tanuki (racoon dog) family in front of a private home, Colonel Sanders dressed as a samurai,  and a statue with a hard hat, placed on a construction site.

Nostalgia for a Past Aesthetic

When one of the authors first came to teach in Japan in 1962, he lived in a traditional Japanese house in which the only furniture was a low table, some cushions, and a futon, which was folded up and stored during the day. There were no heaters or air conditioning units. The sliding doors, which opened on the garden, did not close tightly, with the result that the indoor temperature was the same as that outside. In the winter, he lectured wearing a coat, hat, and gloves, and the students frequently exhibited signs of frostbite. He was cold all day until he could climb into the evening bath, which was essentially a large iron kettle heated by wood pushed under the tub from the outside. When he traveled, it was usually by steam train. Many women wore kimono on a daily basis and it was not uncommon to see babies being carried on the backs of their mothers. In rural villages, children, who had never seen a foreigner, would cluster around, asking for an autograph. Times have changed! Today’s Japan is very much different than the Japan of forty years ago. One of the most noticable changes is that rural Japan is fast disappearing, and with it, much of the beauty that many people associate with Japan.

Some members of the older generation complain about the loss of traditional aesthetic values on the part of young people. For example, traditional shibui colors are considered "depressing" by many young people, and a preference for symmetry appears to be replacing the traditional preference for asymmetry. A sense of nostalgia for the past is not restricted to old people, however. For example, in 1999 there was a popular TV serial drama, "Asuka," watched daily by millions of Japanese. Asuka is the name of the heroine, as well as the village where she was born —a village on the site of an early capital of Japan. The story takes place around 35 years ago.

Asuka worked in a family enterprise that makes wagashi (traditional Japanese sweets). At first, Asuka had a hard time because wagashi makers were traditionally men. After several years of hard work and studying traditional arts such as the tea ceremony, she found some success as an innovative wagashi maker. Her innovations included using Western cake ingredients. The highlight of the drama revolves around a disagreement between Asuka and her father, Rokutarō, about these innovations. Her father said she seemed to be forgetting what the true spirit of wagashi should be. Asuka would not listen to his advice, so hard feelings developed. A friend of the family, a highly respected tea master, suggested a three-round contest between Asuka and her father, to see who could make the best wagashi. After much thinking, the father accepted the challenge as he felt it might be the only way for Asuka to realize that she was heading in the wrong direction.

Asuka won the first round with an innovative sweet. The father won the second round with a subtle wagashi representing the beauty of Kyoto. On the final round, Asuka produced a beautiful wagashi using modern ingredients. The father produced a simple wagashi that had been made in the family for 200 years. At first, some of the judges considered Asuka’s wagashi better, but after much discussion, everybody agreed that the simple, traditional one was superior.

The tea master called on Asuka afterwards and told her the reason for the judges’ decision: her wagashi was beautiful but too intrusive. It was not suitable to be presented on an occasion of "ichigo ichie" —extending hospitality to another person on an occasion never to recur in one’s lifetime. Wagashi for such an occasion should be something quiet, but something that grows on you as you recall the occasion. The father also advised her that she should always remember "isshō ippin" —striving to produce one memorable product in one’s lifetime.

As a result of losing the contest and Asuka’s stubbornness, the family business was lost and family members went their own ways. In the end, however, Asuka realizes the wisdom of the advice given to her and finally succeeds in bringing the family back together to re-establish the family business. This rather touching story illustrates the aesthetic dilemma of modern Japan. Many Japanese wish to preserve the beauty of their traditional culture and landscape. At the same time, however, they would like to enjoy the economic prosperity promised by globalization, and they wish to see Japan become more "international." Whether both of these objectives can co-exist remains to be seen.

Conclusion

Japan is not unique in having an "aesthetic rhythm," characterized by the back and forth movement between aesthetic restraint and aesthetic exuberance. This type of contrast is undoubtedly found in all cultures. Japan is a fascinating case study, however, because both the restrained and exuberant traditions have long and rich histories. Some elements of both traditions are indigenous, whereas other elements have been imported from abroad. The Japanese have successfully incorporated both traditions without attempting to integrate them into a homogeneous whole. Rather, the Japanese seem to take pleasure in the contrast between the two.

This contrast cannot fail to impress tourists to Japan who often ask how a society with such a sophisticated aesthetic taste in matters pertaining, for example, to the tea ceremony can also produce such garish sights as an orange love hotel. In other words, Japanese culture is not unique in having contrasts. What sets Japan apart from many societies is the extent of these contrasts, and the fact that such cultural extremes do not seem to stimulate cognitive dissonance on the part of most Japanese.Tourists are not the only ones impressed by aesthetic extremes in Japan. Scholars also have noted these extremes but they seldom discuss the relation between them. In this book, we have emphasized the fact that restraint and exuberance in Japanese culture are both essential. Like yin and yang, it is impossible to have one without the other. Their interaction is a major source of dynamism in Japanese culture.

Japan is changing rapidly. Individualism is developing a greater appeal; workers are less willing to sacrifice themselves for their companies; and international influences are increasing. As a result, the "aesthetics of everyday life" will also continue to change. It is impossible to predict whether concepts such as shibusa will be lost or whether there will be a revival of traditional values. Whatever happens, the contrast between aesthetic restraint and aesthetic exuberance is unlikely to disappear. The aesthetic rhythm of Japanese culture may be different in the future, but it will continue to embrace both restraint and exuberance; it will continue to meet basic psychological and social needs by offering a contrast between structure and spontaneity. How this aesthetic rhythm changes and manifests itself in the Japanese arts, as well as in the aesthetics of everyday life, will continue to offer insights into the deepest wellsprings of Japanese culture and the struggle of the Japanese people to achieve meaning and identity in the modern world.

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